Alternative Development Possibilities for Church

Alternative Development Possibilities for Church Introduction Description of the Development The site is located in one of Corks most prestigious areas; the property is set on 0.8 of an acre of level ground overlooking the River Lee on the grounds of Our Lady’s hospital. It is ideally located on the Lee Road just 2.4kms west of Cork City adjacent to the historic University College Cork and close to the western routes leading to Blarney (8 kms) and Killarney (80 kms) which is accessible via the newly constructed Ballincollig bypass. Equally accessible, are Cork Airport and major routes to Limerick, Waterford and Wexford. The site is currently selling for â‚ ¬1,900,000 and is zoned commercial. All services including mains water, electricity and mains drainage are located adjacent to the site and are easily accessible. The church is located at the front of the site and provides an excellent development opportunity for the conversion of the existing structure into a bar/bistro. The church is of rubble limestone construction, un-rendered and with cut limestone plinths. The internal area amounts to 100 sq.m with a planned extension of a further 100sq.m at the rear, to provide additional space for the kitchen, store and staff facilities. The walls of the interior are lined with brick and there is an exposed timber truss roof. Adjacent to the church is a parking area, three developments will be considered for this site which includes the construction of a medical centre, crà ¨che or apartments. All services including water, electricity and mains drainage are located adjacent to the site and are easily accessible. Development Region The development is located in the province of Munster and in the county of Cork, which is situated in the South of Ireland. Cork is the commercial and industrial capital of the South West Region with a population of 190,384 people (2006 Census) rising to 454,850 within a 60km radius. Historic Cork The citys name is derived from the Irish word Corcach, meaning marshy place and refers to the fact that the center of Cork City is built on islands, surrounded by the River Lee, which were marshy and subjected to instances of flooding. Traditionally, Saint Finbarre has been credited with the foundation of the monastery of Cork, known to be the earliest human settlement in Cork for which historians have incontrovertible evidence. The location of this monastic settlement was on the area arnd the present-day site of Saint Finbarre’s Cathedral. However the ancestor of the modern city was founded in the 12th century, when Viking settlers established a trading community. In the twelfth century, this settlement was taken over by invading Anglo-Norman settlers. Corks city charter was granted by King John of England in 1185. Over the centuries, much of the city was rebuilt, time and again, after numerous fires. The city was at one time fully walled, and several sections and gates still remaining. During the 19th century important industries in Cork included, brewing, distilling, wool and shipbuilding. In addition, there were some municipal improvements such as gas light street lights in 1825, a local paper, The Cork Examiner was first published in 1841 and, very importantly for the development of modern industry, the railway reached Cork in 1849. Also in 1849, University College Cork opened. Lee Road Area In the early 1760s the Pipe Water Company was established to provide a water supply to the city of Cork. The architect/engineer Davis Ducart designed the Waterworks which were completed by 1768. The site, located on the lee road included a pumping house and open storage reservoirs which were constructed on the hillside to the north of the river at the same location as the present Waterworks buildings. By the late 1840’s it was felt that the water supply to the city required upgrading, as the population of the city was increasing rapidly, new suburbs developing on the city’s north side could not benefit from the existing system. In 1854, the Pipe Water Company instructed John Benson, had prepared a plan for a new Waterworks, Work began with the laying of new cast-iron mains pipes in 1857 and continued for a number of years. By February 1859 these new water pipes had reached the military barracks on the Old Youghal Road. By this time the Pipe Water Company had been taken over by Cork Corporation, who remains in charge of the municipal water supply to this day. (Lifetime Labs) Local Industry Corks main area of industry is in pharmaceuticals, with Pfizer Inc. and Swiss company Novartis being big employers in the region. Cork is also the European headquarters of Apple Inc. where their computers are manufactured and their European call centre, RD and Apple-Care is hosted. In total, they currently employ over 1,800 staff. EMC Corporation located in the area of Ovens, in the outskirts of the city is another large I.T. employer with over 1,600 staff in their 52,000 sq metre (560,000 sq. ft.) engineering, manufacturing, and technical services facility. Many of these large multinational organisations have been attracted to the area due the low corporation tax rate of 12.5%. Planning Issues and Restrictions After consultation with a Cork City Planning officer a number of issues were raised regarded the conditions of the planning. The site lies within a category A Landscape Protection Zone as per Cork Coty Development Plan 2004. This category of land is defined in Table 8.1 of the Development Plan as â€Å"Visually important land, including land forming the setting to existing buildings† According to paragraph 8.20 of the Plan â€Å"There will be a general presumption by means of a landscape assessment and appropriate landscape and building design proposals† The proposed site at the Lee Road is a visually sensitive area, the design of the structures will therefore have to be landscape rather than building orientated. As stated in Policy BE 8 of the Development Plan: â€Å"The City Council will endeavour to devise and implement policies to positively encourage and facilitate the careful refurbishment of historic built environment for sustainable and economically viable uses.† To comply with plan it will be necessary to adhere to following conditions: The development shall be carried out in accordance with the drawings and specifications submitted. A visual impact study must be conducted to determine how the how the development will affect the landscape. The redevelopment of the chapel shall be supervised by a conservation consultant with appropriate qualifications and/or experience in conservation and restoration of historic buildings in order to protect the architectural characteristics and visual appearance of this existing structure. The contractor appointed shall have an expertise and demonstrate high standards of workmanship and have previous experience in restoration of historic structures. The site is not considered suitable for a â€Å"super-pub† or for a nightclub. In order to protect the character and amenities of the area, the development is restricted to be used as a restaurant with ancillary public house. Under the Landscape Assessment Guidelines (2000) the classification of the site at the Lee Road was obtained from the following table: The site is classified as a category A as it forms part of the setting for the existing landmark building (Former Our Lady’s Hospital). The guidelines state that: There will be a general presumption against development in Landscape Protection Zones unless it can be demonstrated by means of a visual landscape assessment and appropriate building design proposal that the proposed development will enhance the overall landscape character of the site and its visual context. Factors Favouring Refurbishment In the initial feasibility for the Lee Road church, it was necessary to consider the advantages and disadvantages to its refurbishment. Consideration will be given to both the social and economic factors. Social Factors in favour of refurbishment Energy/Resource conservation – Just as there is a current growing awareness of the need to recycle domestic waste, buildings with a useable structure should also be recycled. Preservation of historic buildings – The church on the grounds of the site is listed as a protected structure, buildings which are historic merit need to be refurbished to maintain their integrity and thereby the amenity for the nation. Social resistance to change – Buildings are an integral part of an urban fabric and society may well demonstrate forceful views in restricting change. Its arguments will centre upon: retaining historical and social continuity preserving familiar landscape scenes conserving existing communities and the social fabric Economic Factors in favour of refurbishment Shorter construction period – A refurbishment scheme can usually be carried out quicker than redevelopment which results in: a prompt turnover of finance; earlier occupation of the building; quicker return on capital employed; a reduction in the effects of inflation, high interest rates and other risks. Condition of the building – In the case of the Lee Road church, the structure itself is in relatively sound condition, the savings on the building components may make a refurbishment scheme cheaper than reconstruction. Expectation of high land values – The future expectation of high land values may provoke refurbishment to create a short life use so as to occupy the building and keep the site in its present use until fully ripe for exploitation. This will avoid leaving a building empty for long periods while long term plans are being formulated. Constraints on development – site conditions and organisational constraints (e.g. Cork County Council planning restrictions) may make redevelopment unsuitable for a particular or intended use and therefore unprofitable. Limiting Factors in refurbishment One of the major factors in factors in favour of the refurbishment of the church is the cost saving from the retention of the existing materials, whilst this can reduce the total cost of the scheme, the following criteria required consideration. Diminishing returns – The economic life of a building can be said to end when a site value in a new use exceeds the value of the existing building. A building requires redevelopment when the value of the building is below the potential use value of the land and hence yields a diminishing return. Life expectancy – Property investment tends to be long-term in nature and normally a paying back of sixty year is allowed in property investment calculations. There is little doubt that a new building will last the sixty years or more, whereas a refurbished building may not have been designed and constructed with materials appropriate for long life. High cost of borrowing – In general, financial institutions are unprepared to invest in old buildings due to inherent high financial risks. If they provide finance the assumption of high risk can often lead to a higher rate of interest. Management of refurbishment – the extent of work is not predictable; hence very difficult to design, cost plan and cost control. It can often be a complex, non-repetitive and labour intensive operation and does not facilitate high productivity. Attract high tender prices- the contactor will often assume a high undefined risk element and uncertainty of cost when the pre-contract survey is inadequate. Increased cost of Health and Safety Source: Harlow (1994) Rationale for Refurbishment After taking all factors into consideration, it was felt that the benefits of refurbishment outweigh the costs of redevelopment. Also according to Harlow (1994) the emphasis is moving towards conservation leading to the search for historical and social continuity by fining ways of re-using an existing fabric rather than accelerating the cycle of replacement† The structure itself is in a reasonable sound condition with only minor restorations required; reusing the existing building will decrease construction time, reduce site overheads and retain the historical and social continuity of the Lee road area. Review of alternative development possibilities Development 1 – Medical Centre The first development to contribute to the bar/bistro development is the construction of a medium sized three storey structures; this will comprise 2 No. doctor’s surgeries, a nurse’s office and associated accommodation including waiting, reception and storage areas. It has a floor area of approx 800m2 and an overall ridge height of 8.2m. Its overall design is of a contemporary nature utilizing feature glazing and an extended limestone surround to complement the features of the adjacent church. Early Feasibility Study Project Location Item Description Cost/m2 Floor Area Total Cost 1.0 Site Clearance â‚ ¬80.00 610 â‚ ¬48,800.00 2.0 Substructure â‚ ¬150.00 610 â‚ ¬91,500.00 3.0 Superstructure â‚ ¬380.00 610 â‚ ¬231,800.00 4.0 Internal Finishes â‚ ¬270.00 610 â‚ ¬164,700.00 5.0 Fittings and Furnishings â‚ ¬150.00 610 â‚ ¬91,500.00 6.0 Service Installations â‚ ¬555.00 610 â‚ ¬338,550.00 7.0 External Works â‚ ¬163.00 610 â‚ ¬99,430.00 8.0 Preliminaries â‚ ¬110.00 610 â‚ ¬67,100.00 9.0 Contingencies â‚ ¬20,000.00 Total Estimated Cost â‚ ¬1,153,380.00 Income Rental Price Per Month 6000 Rental Price Per Annum 72000 Total Income per Annum 72000 Expenditure Maintenance 7000 Landscaping 2500 9500 Profit per annum 62500 0 -1183880 1 62500 2 68750 Rate -1.595% 3 75625 4 83188 5 91506 6 100657 7 110723 8 117366 9 124408 10 131872 Net Present Value IR £0.00 Internal Rate of Return -1.5949% Development 2 – Crà ¨che This development entails the construction a crà ¨che that will serve the 180 apartments in Atkins Hall, River Towers and The Mews. The structure will be single storey building with car parking at the rear. The crà ¨che will accommodate up to 30 children (depending on ages). Other facilities would include a fully equipped indoor play area and an out-door playground. There is no doubt that there is demand for a crà ¨che in the area, the development would cater for the residents of the nearby apartments. Students of the nearby University College Cork could also utilize these facilities. Crà ¨che Early Feasibility Study Site Clearance â‚ ¬80.00 610 â‚ ¬48,800.00 Substructure â‚ ¬150.00 610 â‚ ¬91,500.00 Superstructure â‚ ¬380.00 610 â‚ ¬231,800.00 Internal Finishes â‚ ¬270.00 610 â‚ ¬164,700.00 Fittings and Furnishings â‚ ¬200.00 610 â‚ ¬122,000.00 Service Installations â‚ ¬555.00 610 â‚ ¬338,550.00 External Works â‚ ¬163.00 610 â‚ ¬99,430.00

Lab Report: Effect of Temperature on a Rate of Reaction between Sodium Thiosulphate and Hydrochloric Acid :: essays research papers

My aim in this piece of work is to see the effect of temperature on the rate of a reaction in a solution of hydrochloric acid containing sodium thiosulphate. The word equation for the reaction that will occur in the experiment is: Sodium thiosulphate + hydrochloric acid →, sulphur + sulphur dioxide + sodium chloride + water ..where the sulphur is an insoluble precipitate. And the symbol equation for it is: Na2S2O3 + 2HCl →, S + SO2 + 2Na + H2O Before conducting my experiment I will research into, amongst other things, the factors that affect the rate of a reaction. This is so that I may enough information to understand the effect of temperature on the rate of a reaction and also gain appropriate understanding to make a suitable prediction as to what the outcome of my experiment will be. Reactions occur when the particles of reactants collide together continuously. If they collide with sufficient energy, then they will react. The minimum amount of kinetic energy required for particles at the time of collision is called the activation energy and this theory is known as the ?collision theory?. Reactions occur in all circumstances. Chemicals are always combining and breaking up: Reactants and products combine and break apart in all reactions.

Civil Society in Russia

The term â€Å"civil society† in Russia is rarely referred to something other than to the civic organisations and movements created during and after the break-up of the Soviet Union (start of the 1990’s). Never the less this paper will look at the â€Å"civil society† term in Russia more widely and insidely. I will talk more and discuss about our time â€Å"civil society†, which came in in the end of the 90’s with the Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin’s ascension on the presidency. Putin re-established a top-down order in Russia and has proved to be quite antagonistic both to Western foreign policy and to pro-Western civil society groups.However, both capitalism and multiparty democracy continued their uncertain paths in Russia through the last decade. After two terms as president, Putin handed over to Dmitri Medvedev and therefore he built a so called monopoly in the hidden â€Å"Dictatorship† in the Russian political sphere. Total dominat ion until the unability of being the ruling force of the country will come in but even then he has a cut back plan of Medvedev and some later chosen candidate, that will help Medvedev make same what Putin did, with getting the presidentship back in his hands as soon as possible. Looking to the future, the paper highlights two main trends.First, the continuation of Russia’s tradition of civic and political activism, seen most dramatically in the mass demonstrations in Moscow and other cities. Second, the major steps made by CSOs and local government in implementing social partnership, with new funds from the state that both replace and build on the contributions of foreign donors during 1995-2005. History. The beginnings of Russian civil society. The first stage (1760-1860) flows out of Catherine the Great’s reforms to the Russian estates and was characterized by the creation of public organizations related to science, literature, the arts, leisure and charitable activi ties.These included famous and influential associations like the Russian Geographical Society, the Free Economics Society, the Moscow Agricultural Society, the Russian Technical Society, and the Pirogov’s Association of Russian Doctors. These societies were set up with hopes for friendly cooperation with the Tsarist authorities and in the second half of the 19th century their members played a key role lobbying for social and legal reform. Civil society growth under Tsarism. Russia’s second stage of civil society development began with the Great Reforms ushered in by Tsar Alexander II in the 1860s.Serfdom was abolished, basic civil rights were established in law, and the first steps taken in the creation of a local government system. CSOs expanded gradually, became more professional, and began to provide educational and health support to vulnerable groups across the country. At the same time industrialization and urbanization gathered pace in Russia. The extension of th e railway system across Siberia to the Pacific was one of the most dramatic examples of this in the late 19th century. Though ,the development of capitalist relations in the economy was not mirrored by political changes.The period of reforms gave way to a new period of repression and political stagnation, and the state was challenged by increasingly radical political forces such as the Popularitists(Narodniki) with their â€Å"to the people† movement, culminating in the 1905 revolution. Many voluntary associations were radicalized too (including almost all the scientific societies noted above). Significantly, the only law passed in Tsarist time devoted to public organizations was issued by the Senate in the immediate aftermath of the first Russian Revolution, in March 1906.In the next few years, almost 5,000 new organizations, societies and unions were registered. However, once again this reforming, liberalizing movement ran into opposition from the state and with the crisis that was brought into the country because of the participation and taking a huge part and playing important role in World War I. Civil society in the Soviet period. The Soviet period (1917 to the mid-1980s) is the third stage in Russia’s civil society development, notable for the â€Å"nationalization of civil society institutions†.Again, there were stages when popular activity flowered. The Soviet arts, cultural and scientific avant-garde of the 1920s is well known, but less well known are the local movements, peasants’ and proletarian organizations that emerged all around the country. For example, every settlement/district had its own Peasant Mutual Society and the Central Bureau catered to the welfare needs of students much as voluntary associations had done before the revolution.However, in the 1930s this phase gave way to a period of repression and political regimentation – occasioned by the Soviet government’s decision to forcibly collectiviz e agriculture and go for rapid industrialization. This â€Å"required state-oriented CSOs which were to drive the foundation of socialism†. The voluntary associations created in the 1920s â€Å"offered alternative ways of solving social problems† but the authorities â€Å"doubted the utility of voluntary movements and the reliability of their participants. † Thousands were shut down in the 1930s and new associations set up in their stead, as part of the government machine.It was not until the late 1950s-early 1960s that citizens’ organizations of a less politicized type began to re-emerge, encouraged by Kruschev’s denunciation of Stalin and the political though that followed. Russian analysts have identified about 40 of these, operating mainly within the arts and scientific fields under the patronage of Communist Party bodies and subject to the latter’s decisions on policy and personnel matters. By the Brezhnev period, associations were acti ve among groups as varied as war veterans, professional designers and those involved in child welfare. Civil society now included the dissident  movement.Dissidents developed various modes of resistance to the Soviet state – writing and publishing artistic or journalistic critiques of the regime, creating a variety of informal circles and discussion groups, and making statements on political and human rights issues that brought down considerable persecution on themselves. But they had many sympathizers and considerable impact on the political atmosphere in the country and its reputation abroad. The dissident movement included not only western-leaning liberals, but also strident nationalists and religious activists from many of the constituent republics of the USSRTransition period to our times. â€Å"Civil society† played a huge role in dissident ideology in Eastern Europe and the USSR in the 1980s. When the communist regimes collapsed one after the other it seemed t o many people that an entirely new society was being born. Many different analyses of â€Å"newly-created† civil society in the region were built around this view. Twenty years later and with the benefit of new historical research, most experts in the region see things differently. The current stage of civil society development in Russia is a fourth stage, starting in the mid-1980s and continuing to the present day.The movement for perestroika and glasnost led by Gorbachev was designed to solve the USSR’s pressing economic crisis (caused by the arms race and economic competition with the West) and to shore up the legitimacy of one-party rule. But it led instead to the collapse of the communist system. Many of the most active civil society sectors today can trace their origins to the 1980s – not just the human rights groups, but also the environmental movement with its active networks among young people and in the regions.The adoption of a law on public associati ons in the late soviet period, supported by subsequent Russian Federation laws regulating public and charitable activity, opened the door to CSO registration for all-comers. However, under Yeltsin’s successor Putin, the environment for civil society changed significantly. On the one hand, Putin accelerated a process initiated under Yeltsin –government financing of the sector (mainly via contracting out social services to CSOs), and set up a national structure of Public Councils to dialogue with and co-opt the sector.On the other hand,  in 2006 he introduced regulations limiting the influence of foreign donors. The study’s authors call this policy â€Å"import substitution†; the replacement of foreign models and funding by national programs, self-organization and local philanthropy. Russian civil society today. General features of the sector After two decades of transition, analysts of current developments in Russia are beginning to gain a balanced view of the civil society sector. Civil society in Russia, is showing more attention to the detail, shows that elements of continuity and change, tradition and innovation, exist alongside one another.Here is what I can say on that theme: †¢ civil society activists today are â€Å"a strong minority of citizens† who deserve more support †¢ Informal networks are important for civil society, especially in rural areas because they include a large membership and their ability and readiness to provide vital daily services, plus often good links with government †¢ Foreign funding has had a positive effect in many areas (for example, it helped open up dialogue on many issues like feminism, domestic violence and others) †¢ Mafia-type groupings have had a powerful and negative effect at all levels in Russia – even â€Å"co-opting the role of civil society† †¢ The millionaires or â€Å"oligarchs† that emerged during the 1990s preferred not to work through formal or wider business associations; hence they contributed little to civil society development. So Russia surely has a civil society. The question is how to develop it further, from local to national level. Here is some thoughts on that part because there are many different opinions from different experts on that note. I will try to suggest the best possible ways of improving it and making in stronger and more vulnerable to what tries to hurt it.†¢ Civic engagement: the level of public activity in stable periods is moderate, but CSOs have shown they can mobilize quickly when the external situation demands †¢ Level of organization: Russian civil society is still in a difficult period of organizational development †¢ Practice of values: CSO members and activists refer to non-violence, tolerance and internal democracy as being among the most important for the sector †¢ Perception of impact: the general image of civil society is not equal from internal an d external points of view. CSOs themselves rate their social and political impact as higher than the scores given by external experts †¢ External environment: the majority of the population do not approve of corruption, tax evasion, and so on. These positive social attitudes could potentially act as a catalyst for further civil society development. †¢Consultative mechanisms.Set up by Putin in 2004, the national Public Chamber has 126 members, selected in equal numbers by the President, public organizations, and Russia’s regions. The aim was to develop the space for civil society and intersectional dialogue. Gradually, this model has been extended across Russia. Critics said they would prove to be mere â€Å"window-dressing to legitimize the government’s increasingly authoritarian policies†, but at local level many NGO supporters have proved willing to give them a try. (A survey found that 60% of activists would participate if asked, while 16% wouldnâ⠂¬â„¢t, 181) In all of these developments, a clear gap can be seen between advanced and less advanced elements in civil society and government.The rural areas lag behind the cities, the remote regions lag behind the industrial centres. The character of political opposition to the regime is quite different in the regions. As the demonstrations of autumn 2011 and spring 2012 showed, present-day ‘dissidents’ in Moscow and St Petersburg tend to be middle-class, liberal and western-leaning. However, in the Urals and Siberia, many of the most strident activists are from the communist and nationalist camps. Conclusion and perspectives. In December 2011, Russia was admitted to WTO (18 years after first applying) and all that remained was for the Duma to ratify the agreement. In March 2012, Putin returned as President for a new seven-year term.Thus, for the alter-globalization movement as for other dissident forces, a new period of struggle lies ahead to win a greater degree of social and economic justice and a more democratic society in Russia. On the other hand, Putin has promised to priorities social issues and CSOs are well placed to work for positive results in this area. This is a kind of â€Å"crossroads† for Russian civil society – will activists and organizations collaborate or conflict with government? None can say surely but it is likely that many will opt for the first of these strategies, so they face the challenge of how to resist incorporation and maintain their own agenda during the negotiations.Both the democracy and the alter-globalization movements face the challenge of how to coordinate their activities, combine different viewpoints, and communicate more effectively with the general public. The activists involved in social issues at local level have put energy and ideas into setting up grants contests, ensuring transparency in awarding contracts. Now they need to focus on the development, implementation and monitoring of l onger term programs – whether carried out by NGOs or government itself. Only a truly independent position will enable them to work effectively in difficult areas like anti-corruption, anti-racism or the protection of minority rights. Civil Society in Russia Introduction.The term â€Å"civil society† in Russia is rarely referred to something other than to the civic organisations and movements created during and after the break-up of the Soviet Union (start of the 1990’s). Never the less this paper will look at the â€Å"civil society† term in Russia more widely and insidely. I will talk more and discuss about our time â€Å"civil society†, which came in in the end of the 90’s with the Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin’s ascension on the presidency. Putin re-established a top-down order in Russia and has proved to be quite antagonistic both to Western foreign policy and to pro-Western civil society groups. However, both capitalism and multiparty democracy continued their uncertain paths in Russia through the last decade.After two terms as president, Putin handed over to Dmitri Medvedev and therefore he built a so called monopoly in the hidden â€Å"Dictatorship† in the Russian political sphere. Total domination until the unability of being the ruling force of the country will come in but even then he has a cut back plan of Medvedev and some later chosen candidate, that will help Medvedev make same what Putin did, with getting the presidentship back in his hands as soon as possible. Looking to the future, the paper highlights two main trends.First, the continuation of Russia’s tradition of civic and political activism, seen most dramatically in the mass demonstrations in Moscow and other cities. Second, the major steps made by CSOs and local government in implementing social partnership, with new funds from the state that both replace and build on the contributions of foreign donors during 1995-2005.History. The beginnings of Russian civil society.The first stage (1760-1860) flows out of Catherine the Great’s reforms to the Russian estates and was characterized by the creation of public organizations related to science, literature, the arts, leisure and charit able activities. These included famous and influential associations like the Russian Geographical Society, the Free Economics Society, the Moscow Agricultural Society, the Russian Technical Society, and the Pirogov’s Association of Russian Doctors. These societies were set up with hopes for friendly cooperation with the Tsarist authorities and in the second half of the 19th century their members played a key role lobbying for social and legal reform.Civil society growth under Tsarism.Russia’s second stage of civil society development began with the Great Reforms ushered in by Tsar Alexander II in the 1860s. Serfdom was abolished, basic civil rights were established in law, and the first steps taken in the creation of a local government system. CSOs expanded gradually, became more professional, and began to provide educational and health support to vulnerable groups across the country. At the same time industrialization and urbanization gathered pace in Russia. The exte nsion of the railway system across Siberia to the Pacific was one of the most dramatic examples of this in the late 19th century.Though ,the development of capitalist relations in the economy was not mirrored by political changes. The period of reforms gave way to a new period of repression and political stagnation, and the state was challenged by increasingly radical political forces such as the Popularitists(Narodniki) with their â€Å"to the people† movement, culminating in the 1905 revolution. Many voluntary associations were radicalized too (including almost all the scientific societies noted above).Significantly, the only law passed in Tsarist time devoted to public organizations was issued by the Senate in the  immediate aftermath of the first Russian Revolution, in March 1906. In the next few years, almost 5,000 new organizations, societies and unions were registered. However, once again this reforming, liberalizing movement ran into opposition from the state and wi th the crisis that was brought into the country because of the participation and taking a huge part and playing important role in World War I.Civil society in the Soviet period.The Soviet period (1917 to the mid-1980s) is the third stage in Russia’s civil society development, notable for the â€Å"nationalization of civil society institutions†. Again, there were stages when popular activity flowered. The Soviet arts, cultural and scientific avant-garde of the 1920s is well known, but less well known are the local movements, peasants’ and proletarian organizations that emerged all around the country. For example, every settlement/district had its own Peasant Mutual Society and the Central Bureau catered to the welfare needs of students much as voluntary associations had done before the revolution. However, in the 1930s this phase gave way to a period of repression and political regimentation – occasioned by the Soviet government’s decision to forcib ly collectivize agriculture and go for rapid industrialization.This â€Å"required state-oriented CSOs which were to drive the foundation of socialism†. The voluntary associations created in the 1920s â€Å"offered alternative ways of solving social problems† but the authorities â€Å"doubted the utility of voluntary movements and the reliability of their participants.† Thousands were shut down in the 1930s and new associations set up in their stead, as part of the government machine. It was not until the late 1950s-early 1960s that citizens’ organizations of a less politicized type began to re-emerge, encouraged by Kruschev’s denunciation of Stalin and the political though that followed.Russian analysts have identified about 40 of these, operating mainly within the arts and scientific fields under the patronage of Communist Party bodies and subject to the latter’s decisions on policy and personnel matters. By the Brezhnev period, associatio ns were active among groups as varied as war veterans, professional designers and those involved in child welfare. Civil society now included the dissident  movement. Dissidents developed various modes of resistance to the Soviet state – writing and publishing artistic or journalistic critiques of the regime, creating a variety of informal circles and discussion groups, and making statements on political and human rights issues that brought down considerable persecution on themselves.But they had many sympathizers and considerable impact on the political atmosphere in the country and its reputation abroad. The dissident movement included not only western-leaning liberals, but also strident nationalists and religious activists from many of the constituent republics of the USSRTransition period to our times.â€Å"Civil society† played a huge role in dissident ideology in Eastern Europe and the USSR in the 1980s. When the communist regimes collapsed one after the other it seemed to many people that an entirely new society was being born. Many different analyses of â€Å"newly-created† civil society in the region were built around this view. Twenty years later and with the benefit of new historical research, most experts in the region see things differently. The current stage of civil society development in Russia is a fourth stage, starting in the mid-1980s and continuing to the present day. The movement for perestroika and glasnost led by Gorbachev was designed to solve the USSR’s pressing economic crisis (caused by the arms race and economic competition with the West) and to shore up the legitimacy of one-party rule. But it led instead to the collapse of the communist system.Many of the most active civil society sectors today can trace their origins to the 1980s – not just the human rights groups, but also the environmental movement with its active networks among young people and in the regions. The adoption of a law on publ ic associations in the late soviet period, supported by subsequent Russian Federation laws regulating public and charitable activity, opened the door to CSO registration for all-comers. However, under Yeltsin’s successor Putin, the environment for civil society changed significantly.On the one hand, Putin accelerated a process initiated under Yeltsin –government financing of the sector (mainly via contracting out social services to CSOs), and set up a national structure of Public Councils to dialogue with and co-opt the sector. On the other hand,  in 2006 he introduced regulations limiting the influence of foreign donors. The study’s authors call this policy â€Å"import substitution†; the replacement of foreign models and funding by national programs, self-organization and local philanthropy.Russian civil society today. General features of the sectorAfter two decades of transition, analysts of current developments in Russia are beginning to gain a bala nced view of the civil society sector.Civil society in Russia, is showing more attention to the detail, shows that elements of continuity and change, tradition and innovation, exist alongside one another. Here is what I can say on that theme: †¢ civil society activists today are â€Å"a strong minority of citizens† who deserve more support †¢ Informal networks are important for civil society, especially in rural areas because they include a large membership and their ability and readiness to provide vital daily services, plus often good links with government †¢ Foreign funding has had a positive effect in many areas (for example, it helped open up dialogue on many issues like feminism, domestic violence and others)†¢ Mafia-type groupings have had a powerful and negative effect at all levels in Russia – even â€Å"co-opting the role of civil society† †¢ The millionaires or â€Å"oligarchs† that emerged during the 1990s preferred no t to work through formal or wider business associations; hence they contributed little to civil society development. So Russia surely has a civil society. The question is how to develop it further, from local to national level. Here is some thoughts on that part because there are many different opinions from different experts on that note. I will try to suggest the best possible ways of improving it and making in stronger and more vulnerable to what tries to hurt it.†¢ Civic engagement: the level of public activity in stable periods is moderate, but CSOs have shown they can mobilize quickly when the external situation demands †¢ Level of organization: Russian civil society is still in a difficult period of organizational development †¢ Practice of values: CSO members and activists refer to non-violence, tolerance and internal democracy as being among the most important for the sector †¢ Perception of impact: the general image of civil society is not equal from in ternal and external points of view. CSOs themselves rate their social and political impact as higher than the scores given by external experts †¢ External environment: the majority of the population do not approve of corruption, tax evasion, and so on.These positive social attitudes could potentially act as a catalyst for further civil society development. †¢Consultative mechanisms. Set up by Putin in 2004, the national Public Chamber has 126 members, selected in equal numbers by the President, public organizations, and Russia’s regions. The aim was to develop the space for civil society and intersectional dialogue. Gradually, this model has been extended across Russia. Critics said they would prove to be mere â€Å"window-dressing to legitimize the government’s increasingly authoritarian policies†, but at local level many NGO supporters have proved willing to give them a try. (A survey found that 60% of activists would participate if asked, while 16% wouldn’t, 181)In all of these developments, a clear gap can be seen between advanced and less advanced elements in civil society and government. The rural areas lag behind the cities, the remote regions lag behind the industrial centres. The character of political opposition to the regime is quite different in the regions. As the demonstrations of autumn 2011 and spring 2012 showed, present-day ‘dissidents’ in Moscow and St Petersburg tend to be middle-class, liberal and western-leaning. However, in the Urals and Siberia, many of the most strident activists are from the communist and nationalist camps.Conclusion and perspectives.In December 2011, Russia was admitted to WTO (18 years after first applying) and all that remained was for the Duma to ratify the agreement. In March 2012, Putin returned as President for a new seven-year term. Thus, for the alter-globalization movement as for other dissident forces, a new period of struggle lies ahead to win a greater de gree of social and economic justice and a more democratic society in Russia. On the other hand, Putin has promised to priorities social issues and CSOs are well placed to work for  positive results in this area. This is a kind of â€Å"crossroads† for Russian civil society – will activists and organizations collaborate or conflict with government?None can say surely but it is likely that many will opt for the first of these strategies, so they face the challenge of how to resist incorporation and maintain their own agenda during the negotiations. Both the democracy and the alter-globalization movements face the challenge of how to coordinate their activities, combine different viewpoints, and communicate more effectively with the general public. The activists involved in social issues at local level have put energy and ideas into setting up grants contests, ensuring transparency in awarding contracts.Now they need to focus on the development, implementation and monit oring of longer term programs – whether carried out by NGOs or government itself. Only a truly independent position will enable them to work effectively in difficult areas like anti-corruption, anti-racism or the protection of minority rights.

Gender Profiling And Gender Segregation Essay - 1697 Words

For many of us, name and gender are the two foremost criterions we judge a person by. It may be true that these two criteria complement each other most of the time. We do assume one’s gender based on their given name; being given a female name directly attributes the person to the female gender, vice versa if someone we to be given a male name. It is definitely not surprising since gender policing or gender segregation has occurred for many years such that it seems natural for us to practice it. I identify myself as a female because it felt natural, in addition to my biology. My name also supports my gender identity socially such that people could address me correctly in most public settings. Overall, it just feels right to me. However, based on personal experience I observe certain flaws in the two-gender nomenclature where people overgeneralize particular features a certain gender should or should not posses. In this paper, I will be arguing against this normalized viewpoint about what being a female is or is not. This widely universalized view on gender could be the result of the lack of flexibility in society’s viewpoint of a certain gender. Looking back at my younger years, I can clearly recall that gender segregation had been most prominent during my developmental period in kindergarten and primary school. This is where pink name tags were assigned to girls, and blue ones were assigned to boys. Does something as simple as color have the power to define our gender?Show MoreRelatedRacial And Race And Sexuality949 Words   |  4 Pagestelevision on low in the background as you complete a last minute paper. Your eyes are not on the television, but you hear a voice and you are certain that the speaker is a White female or a gay male. This phenomenon is called Linguistic Profiling. 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